By Diego Morra
Sen. Christopher Lawrence Tesoro Go, CLTG of Bong Go for short, has stretched his luck too far. From Man Friday to then-Davao City Mayor and now detained ex-president Rodrigo Duterte, CLTG soared in the political firmament since 2016, when Duterte roared that “change is coming,” deceived millions of voters, won the block-voting Iglesia Ni Cristo (INC) and rode his way to Malacanang, assisted in no small measure by foreign social media hucksters and their local operatives. Change did come in the form of scams in exchange for mass murders to “cleanse” the country of drug syndicates, organized crime and dissidents.
Go’s star shone brightest upon Duterte’s electoral victory, with people forgetting that Bong Go was in reality just a runner for Duterte and his regular partner Honeylet Avancena, buying LPG cylinders and doing errands for the emperor and empress of Davao City, and later on the pagador for the reward system of the expanded Davao Death Squad (DDS), as narrated by retired police Col. Royina Garma. Having served as the most loyal courtier to Duterte’s court, he eventually became the gatekeeper, one who controls the flow of endorsements, applications and requests from special interests eager to win Cabinet posts, or who wanted their sons to control infrastructure projects.
It has been said that Bong Go also holds the key to Duterte’s medicine cabinet and manages the extra-curricular affairs of his boss, who purportedly had a regular stable of 13 girlfriends after “Tricia” came and went, and laughed her way to the bank. The Davao City version of Porfirio Rubirosa surely had a most competent valet, butler and protector rolled into one. Except that there was also a price to pay for such excellent services. Go was the first to know who the Duterte Cabinet picks were. By being privy to such information, the would-be senator could technically maneuver, whisper some ‘secrets’ into Duterte’s ear, and position his own bets to get appointed.
One leading Cabinet hopeful got sidelined because of this, despite the lobby of a backer who was close to the First Family. In another instance, an aspirant for the speakership, who thought he had won Duterte’s nod owing to the work of a former solon, got beaten by fair-haired, ambitious Luzon congressman. No amount of brown nosing would guarantee Duterte’s imprimatur to anything without passing through Bong Go. Some kind of “nihil obstat” must be secured from the little “boss,” the consigliere of the family. The same holds true for those who bring with them loads of business plans, ranging from dredging to reclamation projects, and other multi-billion-peso ventures that would comprise the best infra legacy program for any Philippine president.
Given his proximity to Duterte, and the fact that he knew his president’s mindset, Bong Go could very well influence policy, knock down plans that were antithetical to his own and recast programs to favor business groups supporting Duterte or the Chinese corporations that had wormed their way into the Duterte clique like the one led by Michael Yang, a Bong Go pal who introduced the “fantastic” businessman to Duterte. Then, there is former general Glenn Escandor, owner of Hotel Mandaya and a construction magnate himself. In fine, CLTG Construction, a company owned by Go’s father, eventually scooped up construction deals worth at least P6.5-billion, some of them cut with the cooperation of Discaya-owned corporations. The latest is the purported P3-billion insertion in the name of Bong Go himself. Former Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV has said he will file a P7-billion plunder against Go. Will the lily-white Go turn lily-livered when the case proceeds?
At a press briefing on Oct. 18, 2025, Go vehemently denied any tie-ups with the Discayas, bragging that he had always “acted in the service to the Filipino people,” surely meaningless prattle to millions who have heard read the same blurb in the pablum dished out by his PR agents daily and published by the Daily Tribune and Philippine Star. He continued: “I welcome any investigation, let the facts speak for themselves. I have nothing to hide and nothing to fear because I did nothing wrong.” He lashed out at his critics, saying: “Don’t smear me with dirt just to make yourselves look clean.” Of course, denials have no probative value.
But let us remind the good senator of his denial about being the paymaster for the hitmen in the war on drugs. On Oct. 12, 2024, he said: “I have no participation whatsoever, directly or indirectly, in the operational requirements of the ‘war on drugs.’” Four days later at the Senate, Sen. Ronald de la Rosa, a member of the Duterte faction, reminded Go that he was a paymaster. De la Rosa said: “Namimigay naman talaga ng pera si Bong Go… Inutusan yan ni President Duterte noon pa.” De la Rosa’s statement blasted Go’s defense to smithereens, just as Duterte confirmed that de la Rosa and other police generals were part of the dramatis personae in the bloody war on drugs.
Bong Go also denied any role in the Pharmally scam but he cannot that he played a role in the South Korean frigate deal and the armaments rejected by the Philippine Navy. It is also interesting to note that one key player in the Pharmally scam also reportedly dipped his finger into reclamation and dredging projects, and one businessman said the Cebu trader introduced himself as close to Bong Go. The senator denied the claim. But perhaps one statement that Bong Go cannot deny is that he, Duterte and former health secretary Francisco T. Duque III sang a chorus in denying the imposition of a ban against visiting Wuhan tourists just as the Covid-19 pandemic raged. “Nakahihiya,” said Go. Duque explained that the virus could be controlled. Duterte, ever the killer, warned that the virus shall not pass because he would shoot it. Thanks to their extreme hospitality, the country suffered 4,173,631 Covid-19 cases and 66,864 deaths, the fifth highest in Southeast Asia.
